The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as one of the most influential holders of that office in American history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents were limited to minor or symbolic functions, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and claimed the connection was more complex. He observed that Cheney was deferential, invariably referring to him in official appearances as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their partnership as a team because it implied that they were on equal footing. Regardless of these denials, Cheney considered the easygoing president pliable on a wide array of governmental choices.
The Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a contingent of conservative hawks that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the shooting down of any non-communicating aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney said the assaults altered his perspective, making him become intent on retaliation. Together with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Controversial Actions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of individuals captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I was convinced then and I believe it now."
But even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and unaccountability: at worst, falsehoods, incompetence, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had drafted a memo outlining situations in which American interests might be threatened (including "access to crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the United States should be prepared to take unilateral action when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had entered the White House vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Subsequent to he had been fired by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of reducing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, consistently citing agency briefings that were both weak or totally deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush administration indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the use of waterboarding and torture.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no useful information had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the findings as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to implement measures and establish initiatives to catch the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in labels assigned to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that operates invisibly come out of his lair? It's a effective way to work, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his business interests pursued him during his tenure as VP. While he had limited background in corporate affairs but strong connections in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy corporations, in 1995 as leader and top executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US deals worth billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his time at the company grew from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to millions. When he left in 2000 he had a package worth more than $20m|twenty
